Ghana stands at an important crossroads in its democratic evolution. After more than three decades of relative constitutional stability, it has become increasingly clear that the current governance architecture, which is rooted in a powerful, centralised, winner-takes-all presidency no longer fully aligns with the needs of a diverse, youthful, rapidly changing nation. The time has therefore come for a national conversation about a system of governance that is more accountable, more inclusive, more development-oriented and more reflective of Ghana’s own sociopolitical realities.
A promising pathway lies in the adoption of a Hybrid Parliamentary Model, which is a system that blends the strengths of our existing presidential arrangement with proven features from parliamentary democracies, while incorporating institutional reforms designed uniquely for Ghana’s multi-ethnic, multi-regional context. The goal is simple but transformational: to create a governance structure that distributes executive power, strengthens Parliament, ensures continuity of long-term national development and reduces the polarisation that has come to define Ghana’s politics.
Sharing Executive Power for National Balance
At the centre of this proposed model is a dual-executive structure featuring both a President and a Prime Minister, each serving distinct constitutional roles. Under this arrangement, the President becomes the Head of State, a non-partisan guardian of national unity, constitutional order and inter-regional inclusiveness. Elected for a single, non-renewable six-year term with a mandated spread of support across regions, the President will serve above everyday politics, chairing an empowered Council of State and safeguarding the impartiality of key national institutions.
Executive authority for day-to-day governance, however, shifts to a Prime Minister, selected from the political party or coalition that commands a majority in Parliament. This ensures that executive power flows from Parliament itself, creating a government that must constantly maintain the confidence of the elected representatives of the people. Through routine questioning, oversight committees and the possibility of a constructive vote of no confidence, the Prime Minister becomes continuously answerable to the nation, not only during elections but throughout the life of the government.
A Strong, Empowered Parliament at the Centre of Governance
The proposed system elevates Parliament from a reactive body to the central engine of governance. Ministerial appointments would require parliamentary approval; committees would have expanded subpoena and audit powers; and governments would be bound by law to align their development programmes with a national vision agreed through broad political and regional consensus.
Crucially, this hybrid arrangement includes a bicameral legislature, a lower house (National Assembly) elected through a mixed-member proportional system and an upper house known as the National Cohesion and Regions Council. The latter includes representation from all regions, traditional authorities and non-partisan national experts. Its task is not to obstruct legislation but to ensure that national laws reflect fairness, regional balance, cultural sensitivity and long-term national interest.
This second chamber protects Ghana from the corrosive effects of ethnic politics and guarantees institutional voice to traditional authorities which is something many Ghanaians have long called for.
Integrating Traditional Authority Within Modern Governance
Ghana cannot build a modern democratic future by sidelining its centuries-old governance institutions. The proposed model therefore creates a Traditional Leaders Advisory Chamber, an institution designed to ensure that chiefs play a structured, constitutionally recognised role in matters relating to land, culture, natural resources customary law and local governance.
This approach mirrors successful examples in Botswana and South Africa and acknowledges that Ghana’s traditional authorities remain vital pillars of community legitimacy, cohesion and conflict resolution. Their inclusion strengthens and not weakens our democracy.
Ensuring National Policy Continuity Across Political Cycles
Perhaps the most innovative feature of the hybrid model is the creation of a constitutionally protected National Development Planning Authority (NDPA) or a heavily reformed version of the NDPC. This institution would design 20- to 50-year national development frameworks approved by a supermajority of both houses of Parliament and endorsed by traditional authorities.
Successive governments would be legally required to align their manifesto promises with this national framework. Deviations would require parliamentary supermajorities and NDPA approval. This single reform alone would end the destructive culture of abandoned projects, stalled programmes and policy reversals that have cost Ghana billions of cedis and decades of progress.
Decentralisation and Regional Empowerment
The proposed hybrid model directly addresses Ghana’s long-standing centralisation problem. It introduces elected Regional Governors, statutory minimum budget allocations to regions and districts, and a clear division of responsibilities between central and local authorities. Local governments will be empowered to manage land-use planning, primary education, basic health sanitation and local economic development, which will free Ghanaian citizens from the overbearing influence of Accra.
A More Inclusive Electoral System
To complement this governance architecture, the model proposes a mixed-member proportional electoral system. This eliminates the distortions of the first-past-the-post method, reduces the dominance of regionally concentrated parties, promotes coalition-building and ensures that votes translate more fairly into parliamentary representation.
The Promise of the Hybrid Model
If Ghana embraces a hybrid parliamentary system, the nation stands to gain a more balanced and resilient democracy. Such a model has the potential to ease political polarisation by encouraging cooperation rather than confrontation, while also allowing for broader inclusion and fairer representation across regions and communities. Accountability and transparency would be strengthened through continuous parliamentary oversight, and long-term national development could finally be insulated from the abrupt shifts that accompany changes in government.
A hybrid system would also offer greater stability and responsiveness in governance, ensuring that administrations are more attuned to the needs of the people. Regional participation would be elevated, giving all parts of the country a stronger voice in national decision-making. Importantly, this model would create a dignified and meaningful institutional role for traditional authorities, whose influence remains central in Ghanaian society, but who currently operate outside the formal political structure.
Ultimately, the hybrid parliamentary model does not undermine or reject the Fourth Republic. Rather, it represents its logical and necessary evolution, provide the opportunity to refine and strengthen Ghana’s democratic foundations for the challenges and aspirations of the decades ahead.
A Call to National Dialogue
Ghana has reached a mature stage in its democratic journey where it must ask bold questions and embrace bold solutions. The Hybrid Parliamentary Model offers a credible, culturally grounded and forward-looking alternative to the limitations of the current structure.
Now, more than ever, Ghana needs governance innovations that unify rather than divide, that empower rather than centralise and that build bridges between our rich traditions and our democratic aspirations.
The moment has come for the nation to engage deeply with this proposal, discuss it, critique it, refine it and collectively determine whether this hybrid system is the transformative step Ghana needs for a more stable, more accountable and more prosperous future. The national conversation must begin.
If Ghana chooses to ignore the opportunity for structural reform and continues along the current path, the consequences will be far-reaching and difficult to reverse. The winner-takes-all presidency will deepen political bitterness and entrench the regional and ethnic divisions that have already shaped our elections. The absence of policy continuity will keep Ghana trapped in a cycle of abandoned projects, wasted public spending and stalled national initiatives, eroding investor confidence and public trust. Over-centralisation will continue to suffocate local development, leaving districts and regions dependent on Accra for even the most basic decisions. And without the meaningful integration of traditional authorities, Ghana risks widening the gap between state institutions and the lived realities of our communities. In short, maintaining the status quo means accepting perpetual instability, muted economic progress and a democracy that survives but does not deliver. This is why the proposed hybrid parliamentary model must not be dismissed or delayed. It offers Ghana a credible, balanced and culturally grounded pathway to a stable, accountable and development-oriented governance future. To refuse this evolution is to accept stagnation and Ghana cannot afford stagnation at this decisive moment in our national history.