The word 'monumental' seems almost designed for a work like Gandhi's African Legacy: Phoenix Settlement 1904 to 2024. A History Through Letters, a 660-page tome by Uma Dhupelia-Mesthrie.

No AI or automated system could produce such a book, which is the result of five years of dedicated and inspired intellectual and physical labour.

In the book, Uma presents insightful essays on the establishment of Phoenix Settlement and its current state. At its core are 290 letters exchanged between 1915 and 1977 by residents of Phoenix Settlement and the Gandhi family, including Manilal, Sushila, Ramdas and Ela and Mewa Ramgobin – and their friends and associates.

Four key aspects of the book stood out to me. The first is the role of the printing press and the Indian Opinion newspaper. The Settlement housed the International Printing Press, established as early as 1898. From 1903, it began publishing Indian Opinion in English, Hindi, Gujarati, and Tamil, which posed many challenges.

Uma explains that at Phoenix, "the rhythm of life was dictated by the production of Indian Opinion." It was neither religious practice – since Phoenix was not an ashram -  nor the seasons that defined life there; rather, it was meant to be an experiment in cooperative food production as well.  

Two defining features of Indian Opinion were that political activism by its editors became a tradition, and the paper played a crucial role in promoting a united Indian community and a national South African identity, overcoming divisions along lines of religion, caste, class, and regional affiliations.

Although Indian Opinion struggled financially and closed after 58 years in 1961, its legacy lived on. In the 1980s, community newspapers such as Ukusa in Durban, Grassroots in Cape Town, Speak in Johannesburg, The Eye in Pretoria, Saamstaan in the South Cape, and Bricks in Windhoek arose to carry forward its spirit during the anti-apartheid struggle.

 The names of these newspapers  - Ukusa (Awake!), Speak, Saamstaan – reflected their aspirations. Unlike the media controlled by the apartheid state or big business, this popular press was steered by anti-apartheid activists and mass organisations. It was not-for-profit, often distributed free or at minimal cost and relied on local fundraising, international support, and advertising from small black businesses.

The newspapers operated with small core staff paid 'struggle salaries', where all staff members earned equal wages, reflecting the non-hierarchical ethos of Phoenix Settlement. 

Activists from various civic, youth, women's, and student organisations, as well as trade unions, distributed these newspapers directly to residents in townships, factories, educational institutions, and at bustling bus and train stations.

The word 'POEMS' encapsulates the goals of this democratic press: P for popularisation, O for organisation, E for education, M for mobilisation, and S for struggle.

Today,  there is renewed discussion about reviving mobilisation and organisation to address our present challenges. This raises the question of the role media can play in this task in the digital age.

The second issue the book highlights is the political education of activists at Phoenix in the 1970s, led by Ramgobin, Rick Turner (later assassinated by security police), and others. During this period, the Black Consciousness Movement also ran political education schools, equipping its cadres with skills in social analysis, strategy and tactics, organisational dynamics, leadership, and public speaking.  

Mamphela Ramphele recalls how these schools helped black students become active participants and agents in building SASO, encouraging them to take initiative rather than remain passive observers.

In Cape Town, the Dora Falk Centre near Muizenberg was a hub for the political education of activists from mass organisations. Similar initiatives took place during the fight against the tricameral parliament and the formation of the UDF. The need for political education for a new generation remains vital today - what role could Phoenix Settlement play in this?

A third issue of interest is the donation of R40 000 by the South African Sugar Association for Gandhi's centenary year in 1969, which sparked controversy.  When Ramgobin and NIC members met with US politician Charles Diggs, he proposed a boycott of South African sugar after observing the conditions on cane farms. This led to a clash within Phoenix, with Pat Poovalingam and Alan Paton opposing Diggs' proposal, while the late Zuleikha Mayat reminded them that Gandhi himself had used boycotts as a tool for justice in India.

Last year, in my book Tennis, Apartheid, and Social Justice, I highlighted the exclusion of Durban tennis player Hoosen Bobat from junior Wimbledon in 1971 due to apartheid policies. I noted that while the sugar industry heavily supported white tennis players, it gave little to black players, despite being built on the labour of Indian indentured workers and black labourers.

A final issue is apartheid repression. All black people experienced repression, but individuals like Ela Gandhi and Mewa Ramgobin faced severe banning orders, causing immense hardship. Ela described such orders as 'desocialising' and 'dehumanising' for those affected.  The dilemma of whether to stay in South Africa or leave under such conditions weighed heavily on many. Some, like Ela and Ramgobin, chose to stay – perhaps Phoenix Settlement played a part in that choice.  

Ela once famously addressed the sender of a letter bomb: "You are such a coward. Come out and confront my husband face to face, if you are a man."

This echoes the spirit of Valliamma, the young heroine portrayed by Aziz Hassim in The Agony of Valliamma. Despite the repression, Ela Gandhi became even more determined to end the injustices that plagued the country.  

For 90 years, Phoenix opposed colonialism and apartheid. Although tragically destroyed during political upheaval in 1985, it rose again - like a phoenix from the ashes.

Since 1994, Phoenix has faced the challenge of reconstruction and transformation, particularly in supporting the development of the surrounding Bhambayi community. Additionally, it continues to respond to the changing political landscape in KwaZulu-Natal and South Africa.

As Uma notes, Phoenix's legacy is twofold. First, it was a bold experiment initiated by Gandhi to explore living with dignity, mutual respect, and frugality, while fostering education and cultural richness. Satyagraha was just one of the many ideas cultivated there.  Women were affirmed as equals, a radical stance for the time, resulting in generations of formidable women like Sushila and Ela Gandhi.

A second legacy is the Natal Indian Congress, founded in 1894, which was closely tied to the Settlement in various ways.

There is also a third legacy: the 120-year association of the Settlement and the Gandhi family across generations, united by shared values of economic justice, equality, non-racialism, unity, genuine democracy, ethical leadership and selfless service.

Saleem Badat is a Research Professor at the University of the Free State, former Vice-Chancellor of Rhodes University, and past head of the Minister of Higher Education's policy advisory body.

Institutional experts can be found at: https://www.ufs.ac.za/media/leading-researchers